Articles


The Conventional, Classificatory, and Interpretative Aspects of Regional Identity, and their Relations with Folk-Art
Vytautas Tumėnas

Summary

Focusing on the instrumentality of ethnic regions’ conception, the paper demonstrates its significance to the scientific and cultural life of Lithuania. The paper is composed of three sections. The first one outlines the formation of the notion of regional culture, the second one discusses the conception of ethnographic regions and ethnological studies, and the third one examines the relativity of the current notion of ethnic regions from the perspective of its applied character. The paper inquires into the diversity, relativity, change, and significance of ethnographic land conceptions against the background of the development of Lithuanian ethnology and folk-art. It explores effects produced by these notions on different interpretations of folk-art and art history, illuminating their interaction with the living tradition. The paper provides an insight into the emergence of the notion of ethnoregional sub-ethnic culture, a phenomenon distinct from the national one, and its interaction with the phenomenon of folk-art.

The author argues that the development of woven band (sash) tradition is determined by the changing level of the topicality of concepts of sub-ethnicity and ethnographic region. Additionally, these fluctuations are reflected in culture management practices and ethnological studies. The paper seeks to find out how folk-art, especially the genre of woven bands (sashes), is linked to the representation of national or ethnoregional identity, and how it is fixed by the actual domicile and background of folk artists, and, eventually, by their conscious decisions. The study draws upon former publications, accounts of cultural events, observation of folk-art process live, and materials collected during LIH ethnographic expeditions.

Exploration and distinguishing of local qualities and characteristics of the Lithuanian culture is a major objective and priority of Lithuanian ethnology. Correlation of regionalisation or areal differentiation with the quinary sub-ethnic composition of Lithuanian population made up of Aukštaitians, Žemaitians, Dzūkians, Suvalkians, and Lietuvininkai occupies and interesting position in Lithuanian ethnology. The idea of five Lithuanian lands, sub-ethnic entities, and their names came into existence not long ago – as late as in the 2nd half of the 19th c. The peculiar quality of compact territories inhabited by these sub-ethnic entities may be accounted for by the circumstance that Lithuanian ethnocultural lands/regions have never echoed precisely numerous administrative divisions of Lithuania. As one might expect, concepts of an ethnographic region, so extensively used in the Lithuanian ethnological literature, are, unfortunately, non-homogeneous due to the presence of a multitude of subjective definitions. Attempts to invite more homogeneity, objectiveness, and standard into the conception of Lithuanian ethnic regions developed into ardent debates. Not only scholars, but also the entire society interested in the promotion of sub-ethnic identity, joined a discussion on the definition of ethnographic lands, their geographical and administrative boundaries, and particular qualities of everyday cultural practices. Clearly, this problem is interesting from the point of view of investigation into the bilateral close relations between science and everyday life, or science and scientific practice in cultural life.

The origins, significance and contents of the image of Lithuania composed of five lands inhabited by five sub-ethnic entities is not quite clear even today: it must have been constructed jointly by scholars, cultural workers, and common people. This phenomenon is related to the national mythology and ideology and to the level of maturity of national and ethnocultural self-awareness.

The conception of ethnographic lands has a huge instrumental significance from the point of view of its classificatory implications: its notion often determines the character of scientific interpretations of ethnic culture. Not only that, it influences even the management of folk-culture, and the folk-art itself.

Concentrated on the reflection of the ideals of national consolidation and the creation of a unitarian state, the first generalised investigation into folk-arts failed to stress relevant regional differences and characteristic features. A study on Lithuanian national dress by A. Tamošaitis (1939) was a turning point showing a clear tendency towards the specification of lands inhabited by sub-ethnic population. A map reflecting the division of Lithuanian population into ethnic regions supplemented the study.

In due course, significance of systematisation of ethnological data in the relevant areas of study of creative phenomena became especially urgent. Eventually, the regional and the sub-ethnic aspect gained special popularity among the members of the intelligentsia. What is more, these aspects became integral components of the interpretation of regional identity of ethnic culture. Even so, it is evident that ethnological studies are dominated by descriptions of the store of original regional phenomena. Unfortunately, analytical interdisciplinary attempts to define the total body of regional ethnocultural phenomena are still at the stage of germination. This is regrettable because these measures may help us reveal the character of cultural links within a particular region and to see national difference not only on the level of separate phenomena but, significantly, on the level of the total body of regional cultural complexes.

Like the study of architecture, it was the exploration, reconstruction and applied diffusion of national dress that was mostly related to the idea of ethnic regions. On the other hand, the notion of sub-ethnic lands started to gain higher and higher semiotic value while its applied aspects were seeking a closer connection with such issues as the representation and preservation of sub-ethnic identity, and cultural life administration.

Related to the economic and cultural development of national regions and demonstrating definite territory-defining desires, the newly emerged sub-ethnic regional culture movements are logical and timely outcomes of ethnological study and regional cultural activities. As such, they affect the development of sub-ethnic identity and self-awareness. On the other hand, changes in sub-ethnic land definition coupled with its diversity account for the representations of high-level subjectivism, a highly-distorted notion of regions, and also for the levelling of these representations within culture. What makes Lithuanian ethnocultural lands/regions particular, is the fact that they have never been geared precisely to the current or the former administrative divisions of the country. As one might expect, the debates on the relevant ethnoregional boundaries and the enactment of everyday cultural practices involve not only scholars but also the entire society concerned with sub-ethnic identity.

Lithuanian intellectuals’ disagreement on the issue of boundaries of ethnocultural lands gave an excellent chance to exhibit a multitude of subjective notions in ethnological studies, culture and relevant territorial administration. This is evident from attached illustrations offering a comparison of a variety of maps demonstrating a strictly scientific, an applied-scientific, and a popular-scientific approach.

Several tendencies may be distinguished in the development of approaches to the notion of a region. Some of these approaches limit themselves to the notion of a region as an individual matrix for data generalisation, or as a particular sequence of cultural representations. Other approaches wish to make the notion of regions and sub-ethnic entities acquire a definite widely acceptable shape able to facilitate the development of regional identity. Still others do not see any sense in further targeted development of regional identity, promoting, instead, inquiry into the original qualities of a small-scale area. However, the latter new non-systematic tendency is less logical, compared to the long-running development of the above-named approaches.

Vague contents, ambiguous definition and blurred boundaries of the conception of ethnographic region and sub-ethnic entities, coupled with the sensitivity and topicality of this issue in modern society, account for a thoroughly indistinct, different, inconsistent, chaotic, often strangely integral, and mixed notion of ethnic regionalism and its representation in modern folk-art. For example, a definite modern approach demanding highly stylised sashes of a “generalised” Lithuanian character has dominated band (sash) weaving for a long period of time. However, recently, owing to scientific achievements and increased levels of consciousness on the part of culture managers, a tendency towards stressing of areal or regional peculiarities of ethnic culture and relevant traditions are becoming more prominent.

[Lietuvos etnologija - 7 (16)]

Mythological images in Balt culture

Balt mythological tradition was kept in two variants: Prussian (from which there were names and descriptions of functions of gods (extremely man's') and Letto-Lithuanian. Last is restored in the greater degree on the basis of folklore sources. The Supreme god of ancestors of Latvians and Lithuanians was Dievas (in a Prussian pantheon he is called also 'Okopirn' - 'the most first'). He is the typical representative of such Indo-European type as the God of Clear Sky and corresponds with Indian Dyaus, Greek Zeus , Roman Jove, Etruscan Tin, German-Scandinavian Tiw/Tyr, Hittite Tiwat, Celtic Teutat . Dievas it is submitted as the courageous person dressed in a silver cloak, a cap, his clothes are decorated with suspension brackets and a belt with a sword. These attributes go back to Laten Iron Age, to shape of the Balt king and once again confirm idea that the God of the Clear Sky is the legislator and the patron of breeding collective (we shall recollect king was Nuadha).

The god has got children-twins - 'Dievas's sons'. "In the Latvian national songs fragments of motives and the symbols, connecting children Dievas with idolised twins of other traditions - ancient Greek Dioscuri, Indian Asvinau were kept: sons of the god are in love with the daughter of the god (lits. Saules dukte, the Latvian. Saules meita, 'the daughter of the sun', from here and Estonian 'Salme'); expecting her, they light two fires on the sea, roll the daughter of the sun in a boat, overland go to her house on two horses. Sons of the god embody fertility and contact an agricultural cult <...> Representation that and their most ancient attribute - horses are connected to twins both an opportunity of epidemic and healing from illness, till now meets in the Lithuanian villages. These features of the twins' cult were reflected and in the Lithuanian images of skates in a roof, having exact conformity in the Latvian skates as horse heads..." (Myths of nations of the world, 1998, v.1, 154).

The most active character of Balt mythology is Perkunas. He is the typical God of Thunder, whose name occurs from Indo-European Per (k)-un-o-s). To him corresponds Slavic Perun , Indian Parjanya, and (with other ethymology) Indian Indra, Hittite Tarhunt ( Tarhunt and Illuyanka ), Celt Taranis , Scandinavian Thor, German Donner. From sanctuary in valley Swintorog we were reached with a figurine sitting Perkunas (the end of 13-th. c. A.C.). He/she is the mature husband, in the right hand he compresses a bunch of lightnings.

In folklore Perkunas behaves the same as also other representatives of the given type. He pursues his opponent (what is Veln), by means of lightnings. "Sometimes in folklore the reason of the God of Thunder's anger - an unfaithfulness of his wife with Veln or kidnapping of her, kidnapping of people, or cattle is underlined. The pursued opponent is hidden for different subjects (the tree, a stone), addresses in the cow, in the person <...> According to the folklore texts the variant of a myth, where a morning dawn Ausrine, with his opponent is reconstructed also. Perkunas overthrows her from the sky on the ground, and that turns in chthonic goddess (compare. Mara, Zemina, Lauma)" (Myths of nations of the world, 1998, v.1, 154 - 155). It is very important plot, it explains, why the Great Goddess has got complicated sky-earth nature. The Ob-Ugrians which though are not the Indo-Europeans, but had with them close contacts, there is a similar myth. Supreme god Num-Torum, which, being the god of the sky, combined also thunderous function ('Torun' is not casually conformably Scandinavian Odin ) has overthrown from heavens the to spouse Kaltus-Ekva that that has asked to kill all animals and birds and to make of their bones the new house (Hant and Mansi myths, legends, fairy tales, 1990).

So, the Great Goddess is Zemes mate ('mother-earth'), Lauma and some other images. Lauma - at the beginning the goddess of birdhs and earth, later - malicious spirit. As opposed to her Laima ('happiness' - the goddess of happiness and destiny, sometimes together with Dekla and Karta acts as the heavenly spinner (like Scandinavian Nornir , Greek Moirae etc.).

The God of Earth Powers in the Balt mythology were Latvian Veln - Lithuanian Vels. Veln it is widely distributed in folklore and national arts and crafts. He is horned, sometimes has hoofs, is connected to water the eye of him is 'a window in a bog'. Veln has got wisdom, builds bridges, patronises music and dances. At the same time in fairy tales he frequently gets mistake. N. Velius believes this character is wise in sacral sphere and simple in prophanic one (see. Velius, the author's abstract of the dissertation). This reasoning indirectly confirms connection of the God of Earth Powers with magic, priestly sphere. Vels more ancient variant of an image. "At 17-th. century A.D. G. Stender informs about Vels (Wels) - the god dead to which 'days of dead' were devoted (Welli; compare Lith. vele, 'soul', veles, 'shadows deceased', words of the same root, as V.); V. it is connected to cattle etc. animals (according to Stender - 'the divine horses', 'the divine bulls', 'the divine birds')". (Myths of nations of the world, 1998. v. 1, 228). Vels it is known also from Lithuanian dualistic legends which are connected with Slavic Bogumil heresies of Middle Ages and, on the other hand - with dualism Ugrian peoples. He acts in them as one of creators of the world, the contender of God (Dievas) (Pumpur, 1975). To an image of this Balt deity it is especially close East Slav Veles . V.V. Ivanov and V.N. Toporov compare to him also Indian Vala , Vritra, and even Varuna. (Myths of nations of the world, 1998. v. 1, p. 530).

The ancient Indian myth about the Vala is especially interesting. According to Vedas, certain demons Pani steal cows of the God of Thunder Indra . That, together with dog Sarama, finds a cave of demons and returns loss. Vala roared from depths, but Indra defeated him. This plot is very close to Baltic myth. There is all symbolical - and name Pani - is similar to the Greek Pan (the lord of herds, woods and fields, Pan is also a projection of the God of Earth Powers), and participation of a dog which, similarly to the wolf is the eternal ally of the God of Thunder (by the way, in mentioned dualistic legends is spoken about enmity of the wolf to Vels) and Vala's image (Vritra's brother, swallowed up heavenly waters and the fallen most a victim of Indra). In Etruria, in sacred city the god (whose name is transferred differently: Velthuna, Vertumna? Velthina) was esteemed. Sometimes him is considered as chthonic form of Tin or the god of a nature circulation (Nemirovsky, 1983). The Romans inform an interesting history, as a certain demon in the wolf image wanted to escape from the underground world and to devastate vicinities of sacral Etruscan town, but hardly he has raised a cover of well as immediately was tired out back. (Raschinger E, 1992, vol. 1, p. 44). Ļėčķčé names a demon of Olt (Olta), but Raschinger believes that in Etruscan this name was Veltha , that can be identically mentioned chthonic Vertumn, 'the main god of Etruria'. Relieves on some funeral urns give fines illustrations to this myth to one of the few it is clean Etruscan plots, known to us in writing. We see a monster that is getting out from well. More often it looks like the shaggy wolf though one relief shows it with a smooth body and as though a horse head. There are variants, that depict Olt/Veltha in an image of the person with a head of the wolf and even is simple in the wolf mask. The monster is surrounded with people which are taking place in the strongest excitement. They try to jostle it back in well or to constrain, having covered with a circuit. One person has already fallen Veltha victim. On one variant it is possible to see the most popular Etruscan goddess Vanth , messengeress of death, likes Greek furies, and typologically - Scandinavian Valkyrie , Slavic vilas, Baltic veles and etc. (Genetically all of them occur from the Great Goddess).

The given plot puts before us some questions. On the one hand, the root 'vel' connected with the world dead, belongs to the God of Earth Powers. Besides Vertumn was the main god of this city (that is the main god of priests). With another - the wolf traditionally is the opponent of the God of Earth Powers and is connected with the God of Thunder. And the motive of chaining of the wolf by means circuit likes the Scandinavian myth about World Wolf Fenrir. Probably we deal with inversion when contrasts converge - the God of Earth Powers in Etruscan myth got features of the wolf, and the God of Thunder in the Scandinavian and Hittite myths has driven about on a chariot with the rams and the bull accordingly. For the benefit of that Veltha is the God of Earth Powers, speaks also the image on Etruscan cista from Preneste. The Minerva (the Etruscans esteemed her also) which whether helps, whether prevents the naked baby to leave at the weapon from an amphora. Near to the baby it is written 'Mars'. About Mars/Maris it was already spoken in connection with Scythian culture. Now it is necessary to add, that the Roman Mars was considered also as the god of arising year (Vertumn was gods nature circulation). There is also small winged figure, reminding role Vanth on one of the relieves representing a history about Olt.

Speaking about deities with a root 'vel' it is necessary to touch and the whole class of the mythological essences, personifying spirits died, as a rule, a feminine gender. These are Baltic vele, Slavic vila, Scandinavian Valkyrie . "Baltic 'veles' - spirits died which go to live on a sandy hill, 'a hill of veles' where they have the houses or rooms. "The hill of veles' has a gate through which they enter also benches on which they sit that it is known from national poetry. It reminds ancient funeral barrows, wooden rooms or stone tombs. Many places of the Latvian folklore speak about a cemetery on a small sandy hill, frequently so full tombs, that here are not present more rooms for again arriving. It can be memoirs of collective barrows of the Bronze Age with hundreds tombs, or barrows of the Iron Age with tombs of members of one surname " (Gimbutas, 1963. p. 89). In October the Balts marked (and till now mark) Days of vele. In baths, drying houses and premises for them entertainments were arranged. Approximately in same time (from October, 12 till November, 1) Irish celebrate Samhainn - days when the side between this world and other world the worlds disappears, and people can communicate with Tuatha De Danann.

Slavic vila and especially Scandinavian Valkyrie they have more warrior character, but in genesis the same spirits died. With reference to these female mythological characters, it is possible to speak about an environment of the God of Earth Powers (it is indicative, that Scandinavian Valkyrie are serves of Odin, having many features of the God of Earth Powers).

As if to Indian Varuna he is less unequivocal, than deities with a root 'vel', but nevertheless it is identified with the God Earth Powers. In Vedas he is a keeper of true and validity, the ruler of space waters. Varuna has magic force, it is favourable to singers, and severely punishs for deviation from the moral law. The cord and a loop - his weapon, he as though holds down the person who wants to ruin. It, in G. Dumezil's opinion (Dumezil, 1986), the given god reminds Odin (which on our hypothesis though also the Hero, but has incorporated many features of the God of Earth Powers). As it was already spoken, in Vedas Varuna operates usually in pair with Mithra (pair - the God of Earth Powers - the Cultural Hero). Not casually mentioned in connection with Scythian-Sarmatian Thrita, appearing at the bottom of well, appeals about the help to Varuna.

Prussian analogue of Vels/Veln was Patollo/Pekols. He entered into the triad of gods, the most esteemed in Romovo sanctuary. According to medieval sources, the sanctuary looked as follows: in the middle of spacious plain there was a huge oak. In it there were three niches in which ancient Prussian sculptures contained. That were: Perkunas, Potrimps and Patollo. Statue of Perkunas had a twisted black beard, a bright-red face and the same colours a sheaf of beams around of a head. Before it the inextinguishable fire flared. To the right of Perkunas there was a sculpture affable young men without beard in a wreath from ears - Potrimps, the god of the rivers and sources, the bearer of fertility and a good harvest. The main symbol of him was the snake lived in a clay urn, covered hay. On the left side from Perkunas there was statue Patollo - the god of Underworld and night phantoms, an embodiment of horror. He was represented as the gray-bearded old man with a white scarf on a head (variant - in a horned helmet). Symbols Patollo were three skulls - the person, a horse and the bull. The described triad reminds Uppsala one (with that difference, that in last the Cultural Hero - Odin occupied the central place) and, is similar to it, was certainly a product of complex intellectual activity of Prussian priests.

There was in Baltic culture also one more image liked the God of Earth Powers. This is Cerocles - the god of fields and cereals. In the message of cardinal Valenti from 1604 A.D. is identified with Veln. "In the report of Jesuits from 1619 it is informed, that at meal on the ground for C. throw the first piece and spill the first drink of drink. The author 18 century Rostovsky names C. the god of hospitality. Name Cerocles make from the Latvian. cerot, 'to cluster' (compare connection C. with cereals), that proves to be true presence in folklore (where C. is not) Ceru mate, 'mothers of bushes'" (Myths of nations of the world, 1998. v. 2, p. 618-619). We shall recollect Iranian saka - 'fork', 'bush', and connection of the given word with a deer. And sounds almost identically: Cerocles - Cernunnos . And that alongside with Ceru mate in Baltic culture exists and Velu mate, together with all rest, it is almost incontestable testifies for the benefit of direct identification Veln/Vels and Cerocles/ Cernunnos.

Unlike others East - and Central mythologies Baltic mythology it is rather poor in the images of the Cultural Hero. Exception makes Sovius, who " was mentioned by the copyist in an insert 1261 to Russian translation of "the Chronicle" by John Malala: Sovius once has caught a wild boar and has given his nine spleens to sons that those them have baked. Having learned that children have eaten them, angry S. has decided to leave in a hell, but could penetrate there only through the ninth gate which to him were specified by one of sons. Then the son himself was directed on searches of the father and, has buried him in the ground. In morning S. has told to the son, that he damaged with worms and reptiles. Then the son has put S. in a tree, but he next morning was damaged mosquitoes and bees. Only after burning S. has told the son, that strong slept, "as a child in a cradle". The Lithuanians and Prussians are named in the story 'peoples of Sovius', and S. - a guide in a hell which was cremation investigator. (Myths of nations of the world, 1998. v. 2, p. 457). In this case we see two closely connected functions combined in one character - a conductor of souls in Other World and the first died. Concerning first of them the precise analogy between Sovius and already considered by us Greek Hermes and Roman Mercury is traced. As if to an image of the first died here Baltic tradition likes Indo-Iranian one especially.

In the Indian mythology there is such image as the Yama - the king of ancestors. "Perhaps at the beginning Yama was thought mortal man. It agrees 'Rigveda', he was 'the first who has died' and has opened a way of death for others that is why refers to as 'the Collector of people' who prepares for 'a grave' for deceased". (Myths of nations of the world, 1998. v. 2, p. 682). Further Yama began to be esteemed as the god, one of lokapala - keepers of the world. Indian Yama is identified with Persian Yima. Etymologically their names are interpreted as 'twin', 'double'. There Yima is one of ancestors, the Cultural Hero, legendary ruler in the Iranian mythology. He has divided mankind into four estates: priests, soldiers, farmers and handicraftsmen, has made a military armour, has trained people in weaving, has opened medicinal medicines, at last, has rescued people and fauna from terrible winter (the Iranian analogue of a flood). (Rak, 1998,174 - 178). His time is the Iranian variant of the Golden Age. In 'Avesta' traditions gradual decrease of Yima's image takes place, there is a motive of his fall and the subsequent partition. In 'Younger Avesta' Guyomard ('life mortal') is considered as the ancestor - the lord of the first bull. When demons have destroyed both of them, from Guyomard seed there was a first human pair, and from Primery bull seed there was the bull, the cow and other useful animals. From here we leave on analogy to two other traditions: legends of relic Aryan pagans of Hindu Kush and the Scandinavian mythology. Hindu Kush Aryan demiurg Imra, learned people to dairy milking is the Supreme deity which simultaneously supervises road to a next world. There is giant Imir, brought up by cow Audhumla and caused the giants (and the gods) in Scandinavian Edda. Odin and his brothers having killed Imir, have created the world from his body: from flesh the ground, from blood the sea, from bones of mountain, from a skull the heavenly arch, and from brains of a cloud. Pair: Primery Bull and Primery Ancestor - whether is it is the most ancient, most archaic variant of our tandem - the God of Earth Powers and the Cultural Hero? In that case, Odinn and Mitra - these late images, actually is amazed with the ancient prototypes.

Baltic peoples in the pantheon have kept all basic mythological types. The god of Clear Sky is Dievas, to the God of the Thunder - is Perkunas, the God of Earth Powers - Veln/Vels (Prussian Patollo), to the Cultural Hero - Sovius; to the Great Goddess - Zemes mate, and also some other. Is evident, that at full structure of Balt pantheon, the type of the Cultural Hero is be relative undeveloped. The western representatives of the given cultural world - the Prussians above all put the embodiment of the God of Earth Powers - Patollo. It is known, that there priests played dominant role, comparable on power and religious refinement with Celtic druids. East Balts (it is especial Lithuanians) where ruled by princes, venerated the God of Thunder (that, probably, it is connected to influence of the Vikings and Thor's cult). Not probably, the Prussians lost independence (similarly to Celtics) by but the Lithuanians preserved their independence and organised state.

Fantalov Alex

(Culture of barbarous Europe: typology of mythological images)

The Neo-pagan Movement in Post-Soviet Lithuania – Constructing an Alternative Lithuanian Identity as a Response to the Conditions of Modernity?

Renatas Delis

Summary

This article focuses on the analysis of those main constituent elements of the common discourse of the Neo-pagan movement in post-soviet Lithuania trough which we can grasp an understanding of Lithuanianess constructed in that movement. First, an analysis is provided of how Lithuanian neo-pagans construct their understanding about Lithuanianess trough their interpretation of traditional Lithuanian culture and the construction of neo-pagan belief. Second, suggestions are made as to what that understanding can tell us about the reasons why the movement exists in contemporary Lithuania and what is its meaning considering the wider context of post-soviet Lithuanian society and culture.

In the article the author takes the view that ethnicity and nationalism, or to be more specific, national identity, is socially constructed and is not a natural given (Eriksen 1993: 69; see also Smith 1984; Smith 1994; Brubaker 1998; Lindholm 1993). In the contemporary modern world, ideas about ethnicity and nationalism are often employed by different social-cultural groups as a powerful strategy to ground their aspirations and goals. It enables them to claim a legitimacy and authenticity for their identity. Lithuanian neo-pagans do this in their own way.

Interpreted, and, at the same time, re-/created traditional Lithuanian culture is one of the most important elements and sources through which specific Lithuanianess is constructed in the Neo-pagan movement. The image of traditional culture understood by Lithuanian neo-pagans is multiple rather than monolithic, without clear contours and form. The substantial bulk of their rhetoric is not so much the concept of traditional (ethnic) culture as such, but primarily the categories of “conventionalism” and “authenticity” which extend the boundaries of the imagined traditional culture. The analyses of empirical data show that Lithuanian neo-pagans relate “authenticity” with ethnic tradition which, according to their opinion, is, or almost is, free of any foreign influence. According to neo-pagans, “authenticity” means peculiarity and distance from other systems of value and ideology.

In the view of the neo-pagans, the core of Lithuanian identity has to be rediscovered in those “layers” covered by subsequent later influences “from outside”, brought mainly by the Christian civilization and culture which is considered alien to Lithuanians. Purportedly, “authenticity” must not be reconstructed, but solely revived (Romuva: Senovės Baltų Religija Šiandien 2001: 9), because in the neo-pagan’s opinion “the old native Lithuanian worldview” never ceased to exist and persists in the deep structures of the so-called “Baltic archetypes”. According to some informants, this means that a retrieval of “old Baltic/Lithuanian” tradition is the passing from an unconscious state of memory to consciousness. That is, the tradition is much ephemeralized and its boundaries became unclear. In the neo-pagan discourse the traditional Lithuanian culture is sacralized in ephemeralizing a materiality of “authentic tradition”, which expands from the “authentic” clothes, appearance, arms, customs, behavior, folklore etc., to the “images” encoded in the “Baltic archetypes/layers”. The sacredness and purity of traditional culture is rendered through: a time dimension (traditional Lithuanian/Baltic culture is remote in time and mainly pre-Christian), a sensual dimension (“a successor of tradition” is supposed to “feel” its authenticity, purity and immediacy) and a national dimension (“the authentic” practice of tradition is possible only to a Lithuanian). The sacralization of the traditional culture also comes out in the objectification of the takeover mechanisms of tradition (i.e. “Baltic/Lithuanian archetypes” allegedly containing the images of the old “authentic” traditional culture are understood as independent objective entities that come out from the depths of the unconscious and are felt by an individual). Thus, religious meanings are given to historically secular elements of the traditional (ethnic) Lithuanian culture and it is eventually transformed into a religion. The traditional Lithuanian/Baltic culture is conceived in the Neo-pagan movement as it would be inscribed in an individual, as his or her main feature. Moreover, nationalism is not associated with citizenship and public spirit, but with an ethnicity, - as noted by Leonidas Donskis writing about the nationalism of Eastern-Middle Europe - that reduces national culture into ethnic identity (Donskis 1999: 4), and, in the case of Lithuanian neo-paganism, is given a religious form.

The striving for “authenticity” is also widely expressed in the neo-pagan’s contraposition to Christianity. Pagan tradition is supposed to be “more authentic” because it predated Christianity. In the common neo-pagan discourse, the relation between Neo-paganism and Christianity stands out not only as a time dimension, but a value dimension as well. In the course of the research it was noticed that the contraposition of Neo-pagan ideas and values to Christianity and other universal religions demonstrates the socio-cultural, ideational and existential tensions between what could be considered as modern and anti-modern. Neo-pagans ascribed to Christianity and other revealed universal religions historical and ideological qualities of Coercion-Intrusion-Aggression, strict Hierarchy implicating Authority, Anthropocentrism, technocratic understanding of environment, leveling-universality-cosmopolitanism and non-authenticity; to which, in turn neo-pagans opposed the constructed value system of a freewill-voluntarism, inherency, egalitarianism, particularity, authenticity, and, therefore “more true Lithuanianess”.

The discussed research material shows that such understanding of Lithuanianess in the neo-pagan movement assumes a clear primordial, anti-civilizational and anti-modern aspect. What can this kind of construct of Lithuanian identity tell us about the reasons for the existence and persistence of the neo-pagan movement in contemporary Lithuania?

The anthropologist Jonathan Friedman, has said that modern identity is no longer a culturally determined identity with a fixed content (Friedman 1994: 214). In post-soviet Lithuanian society, when traditional culture as a concrete and practiced worldview and way of life is coming to an end, modern identity dominates. One of the many elements composing its existential worldview content is secularization (Friedman 1994: 214), the impact of which is certainly felt by the participants of the Lithuanian neo-pagan movement. The research data reveal that the religious and cultural ideology of Neo-paganism in post-soviet Lithuania is built up mainly by the highly secularized urban intelligentsia exploiting the heritage of traditional Lithuanian culture (beliefs, customs and traditions) and expressing in that way the response to the dominant life model of modern Lithuanian society. Primarily, this concerns not only the collective neo-pagan identity, but the personal identity as well, searching for and construction of which is actuated by the reflected and felt dissatisfaction with a worldview suggested by a modern secular culture. The research material indicates that the construction of the alternative neo-pagan identity with its characteristic primordial understanding of Lithuanianess and religious attitude to the heritage of traditional Lithuanian culture, gives an individual the possibility of the deeper, more fundamental and meaningful cohesion with the world under the conditions of the post-soviet Lithuanian modernity.

What could the existence of the neo-pagan movement in post-soviet Lithuania tell us about the wider context of contemporary Lithuanian culture and society? In the qualitative perspective, it points to a highly secularized level of culture and society, despite the religious revival of traditional beliefs in post-soviet Lithuania in the last decade, which may simply reflect quantitative rates. However, it would be wrong to say that these tendencies reveal the decline of religiosity as such. On the contrary, they point out the flourishing of an alternative religiosity which is probably evoked by the secularization of contemporary Lithuanian culture.

[Lietuvos etnologija - 6 (15)]